promethea.incorporated

brave and steely-eyed and morally pure and a bit terrifying… /testimonials /evil /leet .ask? .ask_long?


brazenautomaton:

ursaeinsilviscacant:

nostalgebraist:

Another post on Galileo’s Middle Finger, having finally finished the book.  (Previous posts: Maria New and prenatal dex, also various posts in the tag #michael bailey cw?)

Galileo’s Middle Finger (hereafter GMF) is a strange book.  On one level, the book’s content is pretty easy to make sense of: Alice Dreger has been involved in a number of dramatic academic controversies over the course of her career, and she figured (sensibly enough) that people might enjoy reading a book that retells these stories.  To some extent, she just presents the book as “a memoir of the controversies I’ve been involved in.”

However, she also claims that these stories are connected by an overarching theme, which is something like this:

“Scientists and activists often find themselves at odds, on opposite sides of angry battles.  But everyone should recognize that truth and justice are intimately connected: you can’t help the victims of injustice if you don’t care about the facts of the situation, and if you’re in a unique position to explore facts (such as an academic job), you ought to steer your investigations toward the social good – not by sacrificing the truth, but by looking for the truths that can help.  Activists need to be more concerned with truth, and scientists need to be more concerned with justice.  And if both sides followed this advice, they would be at odds far less often.”

All of this sounds very agreeable to me; I think I already more-or-less agreed with it before I read Dreger’s book.  But do Dreger’s accounts of various controversies actually serve as useful examples of this stuff?  Not always.  And Dreger’s attempts to link everything back to her theme produce some awkward results.


Besides a few minor subplots, there are three controversies narrated in GMF.  First, she narrates the controversy over Michael Bailey’s book The Man Who Would Be Queen.  Second, the controversy over Patrick Tierney’s book Darkness in El Dorado, which accused anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon of genocide as well as various other wrongdoings.  Third, Dreger’s investigations into Maria New and her struggles to get her criticisms recognized by government bodies and the public.

Of these three, it’s the Tierney/Chagnon case that most directly fits Dreger’s theme.  Tierney’s book was a work of shoddy hack journalism which made spectacular allegations that have been uniformly refuted by later investigators.  (N.B. Tierney made many allegations, and some of the more minor ones have been less clearly refuted, but those weren’t the ones that made headlines.)  Nonetheless, shortly after the book came out, the American Anthropological Association quickly endorsed Tierney’s book – the academic equivalent of reflexively believing a callout post without checking the sources.

Reading this in terms of Dreger’s theme seems straightforward: in its concern for justice, the AAA neglected the value of truth, and thus failed to even serve justice.

Even here, though, the theme strains a bit.  The Tierney debacle was not exactly a conflict between “activists” and “academics”; the people under-valuing truth in the service of justice were the academics of the AAA.  (Tierney could arguably be called an “activist,” but Dreger treats him – rightly, it seems to me – as a hack journalist from whom more concern for the truth cannot be expected.)

The Maria New story also lacks a clear instance of an activist failing to sufficiently value truth.  In that story, Dreger is the activist, raising ethical concerns from the outside about an established academic, and her activism is directly grounded in science that she believes that academic is ignoring.  She may intend this as an example of “activism done right” (about which more later), and/or as a case of an academic caring too little about justice.  But it’s not as though New is ignoring justice because truth is her only value; as Dreger notes, her prenatal dex work has produced little in the way of academic knowledge.  So again, it’s hard to see this as an illustration of the theme.

So far, it looks like Dreger has failed to exhibit an example of activists behaving badly, although this is crucial to her theme.  The third story (well, first as presented in the book), about Michael Bailey, is her main (and only) example of this.  But of the three stories, it’s that one that fits the theme least well.

Dreger’s account of the Bailey controversy shares a quality with her account of the Chagnon controversy: both are told as stories of lovable and humane, if out-of-touch, researchers being persecuted by ignorant people who don’t understand them.  Dreger spends a great deal of text talking about how much she personally likes Bailey and Chagnon – Bailey is a personal friend, Chagnon she met while investigating that controversy.  As “characters” in the book, they downright glow.  They’re funny, they’re good company, they both have cute and harmonious marriages.

It makes sense to write stuff like this in order to humanize people who have been demonized by others.  But one has to note here that none of this bears on the “truth” side of the things.  It’s certainly possible for someone to have committed genocide and still be a warm and sparkling conversationalist at the dinner table; it’s possible for Michael Bailey to be a great guy if you know him personally, and nonetheless to have been wrong about trans women.

With Chagnon, this tension never becomes relevant, because as a matter of simple fact, Chagnon was exonerated by multiple serious investigators.  With Bailey, the tension is glaringly relevant, because the issue of whether Bailey is actually right never gets fully addressed in Dreger’s treatment.  Indeed, she treats it almost as an irrelevant side issue.  Where is the value of truth here?

To be fair, Dreger does put her beliefs on the table about the issue.  But these beliefs seem to reveal little serious interest in the questions involved.  She seems to have uncritically bought the Blanchard-Bailey line – possibly because she only cares about these issues insofar as they affect her good friend Michael Bailey? – and to have done little investigation into academic work on transgender beyond this.

Astonishingly, for instance, the phrase “gender dysphoria” never appears in GMF at all.  (A word-search for “dysphoria” turns up only one result, in the title of a Blanchard paper cited in the endnotes.)  When Dreger presents her account of trans women, she talks about (for instance) transitioning as a choice made by feminine gay men in order to better fit into homophobic social environments, stressing that these people might not have transitioned if feminine gay identities were more accepted in their local environments.  I’m willing to believe this happens sometimes – but Dreger seems to actually not know that gender dysphoria is a thing.  This is in a book published in 2015.  One wonders if she’s ever even looked up the condition in the DSM (which changed the name from “Gender Identity Disorder” to “Gender Dysphoria” in the 2013 DSM-V, but even before that had included dysphoria as one of the two major diagnostic criteria).

Dreger has a page on her website, written after GMF was published, in which she responds to questions about “autogynephilia” and states her current positions.  Again, she never mentions gender dysphoria.  Of Blanchard’s androphilic/autogynephilic typology, she says that “I think what I’ve seen from the scientific clinical literature and socioculturally suggests this division makes sense.”  She does not provide any citations, and does not address critiques (see here) that the data show a continuum which does not separate well into two clusters.

I belabor all of this because Dreger’s indifference to the truth here simply makes GMF fundamentally incoherent.  I agree with Dreger’s theme; I have no clue how she thinks the Bailey story illustrates it.


But wait – Dreger’s claim is that activists value truth too little in their quests for justice.  Does this hold true for the activists who attacked Michael Bailey?

Again, Dreger seems to not much care.  She devotes a lot of space to the claims made by these activists, but mostly to express confusion over them.  Noting that some of them display what look to her like signs of autogynephilia, she scratches her head: why are they angry at a book for talking about autogynephilia?  One would think that someone in Dreger’s position – someone interested in getting to the bottom of situations where truth and justice appear to conflict – ought to answer a question like this.  Dreger doesn’t.  Her attitude is basically: “who are these weird people attacking my friend Michael?  What do they want?  They’re so confusing!  Michael is a scientist, so maybe they don’t like science?  Jeez, who knows!!!”

What she substitutes for consideration of these issues – and let me be clear, this is not nothing – is a detailed, blow-by-blow account of the nasty, dishonest ways in which the activists tried to ruin Michael Bailey’s reputation.  They were, in fact, really nasty.  But people don’t just do things like that for no reason.  What about the larger questions of truth and justice here?  Why do these activists believe Michael Bailey is so harmful?  Could it be the case that Bailey is harmful, to the point that defaming him is a net good?

Dreger never mentions this sort of idea, but it hangs uncomfortably over her whole book.  She bemoans the fact that her work on Maria New – which is generally polite and non-nasty, if very harsh on New – has failed to make appreciable waves in the world, beyond loading the first page of Google results with dex-critical pages.  On the other hand, Bailey’s book is now solely known as the subject of a stormy controversy, which received huge amounts of media discussion.  What if nasty activism is sometimes necessary to get the job done?  What if simply having both truth and justice on your side isn’t enough?  And, putting it the other way around, how can Dreger assume that the anti-Bailey crowd didn’t have truth and justice on its side, just because they were nasty and vicious to her friend?

In Dreger’s telling, Andrea James is a scary asshole who sends her possibly-physical threats via email, and Michael Bailey and Napoleon Chagnon are precious cinnamon rolls.  But fighting for truth-and-justice is not the same as identifying the Nice People and the Mean People.  These may in fact be (I hate to say it) largely unrelated endeavors.

A serious book about activism, science, truth and justice would begin with these disquieting possibilities, and then explore from there.  (One example that book might look at: Dreger’s earlier non-nasty activism for intersex people has gotten stuff done.)  Dreger’s book instead stays in an overly cozy universe, where “fighting for good” and “defending her lovable buddies against the bad meanies” can never be conflicting goals.

“What if nasty activism is sometimes necessary to get the job done?  What if simply having both truth and justice on your side isn’t enough?”

I really want more serious treatment of this question from someone sensible. Obviously I really hope the answer is no, and I am tired of discourse from people who seem like they would actively prefer the answer to be yes (although maybe it’s only my bias making them seem that way.) But yeah, doe anyone know of any decent book-length discussions of the issue which look at real-life situations?

The answer is no because the moment you decide that nasty activism is necessary to get the job done you completely lose the capacity to distinguish “cases when nasty activism is a distasteful necessity” from “cases where nasty activism can be used to punish people for saying things that make me upset, or just for the crime of being unpopular and perceptible to me.”

This is proving too much. If one contrasts nasty activism to violence, one could say the exact same thing, and to some degree it’s quite true (PoliceMob being a very good example of insufficiently restrained violence, contrast with BadSJMob), but the actually correct answer would probably be “it’s possible to use it usefully, but most of the time it’s a bad idea and completely abstaining from it is way less likely to be harmful than using it indiscriminately”.

TL;DR and a fucking massive disclaimer to not get this misunderstood and misrepresented by everyone: I think most nastiness is excessive and unwarranted, but consider it at least possibly excusable in some situations where people are reacting to sufficiently shitty things, and Bailey is up there in the list of “those few cases where nastiness and extremism might be okay”, along with the likes of Judge Rotenberg Centre etc.; and it’s really shitty that if I say “Bailey is terrible, scorn him”, some asshole somewhere will take it as endorsement of heaping abuse on some kid whose only crime was not being up to date with their shibboleths.

(descriptions of dirty tricks, nasty sj, and other dark underbelly-of-the-world things below the cut)

Keep reading

2 weeks ago · tagged #nastiness cw #transmisogyny cw #cissexism cw #suicide cw #the best heuristic for oppressed people since sharp stick time · 54 notes · source: nostalgebraist · .permalink


metagorgon:

funereal-disease:

Many, many people have been forced into nonconsensual abortion and sterilization. This is atrocious for all involved, and it is very important to stand against it. It also doesn’t make the right to choose abortion or sterilization any less important and necessary. The fact that some people are forced to abort does not mean other people should be forced not to abort. 

I don’t see suicide any differently. The fact that some people have been murdered by ableist institutions does not excuse keeping other people alive against their will. Denying a person’s agency is denying a person’s agency.

Telling a story about a person who chooses abortion is not inherently disrespectful to or dismissive of people who have undergone abortions against their will. It’s merely exploring a different side of what I want more activists to recognize as the same coin. I’d like to see alliance among all people who believe in bodily autonomy, regardless of what that autonomy would look like to them personally. 

Those of us who fight for the right to choose abortion are not the enemy of those who fight involuntary sterilization. Those of us who believe in the right to die are not the enemy of those who want to live. At the end of the day, we’re all angling for the same agency. Please, let’s not fight one another. Let’s fight the common enemies that keep us all from self-determination. 

pro-choice, goddammit.

(via metagorgon)

3 weeks ago · tagged #suicide cw · 78 notes · source: funereal-disease · .permalink


Anonymous asked: What is your most controversial opinion?

shieldfoss:

ilzolende:

wirehead-wannabe:

Probably hedonic utilitarianism tbh. I would say suicide rights but there seem to be quite a few closet supporters. Or are you sending this in the hopes of getting a more provocative answer?

If you want us to not be closeted, I support suicide rights. Not because I’m actually pro-suicide, but rather because the preventative measures appear to be way worse than the disease. Also, every time people campaign for more bodily autonomy, people accuse them of basically legalizing suicide, sooo…

^– This is me also. I have never been suicidal but I have been moderately depressed and knowing that my state was only “moderate,” I absolutely support the ability of people who are somehow capable of feeling even worse to stop feeling worse.

Suicide_rights.support.uncloset.activate

I don’t want people to die, and I will certainly seek to build a world worth living in, but autonomy is always the first principle. If you want people to not die, how about making life bearable instead of setting the lower bound for its horribleness artificially low with non-consensual barriers to exit? Nobody else shall be allowed to control anyone’s life or death.

This shouldn’t be so hard; letting people to be excessively miserable without a way out is a really powerful way to have miserable people around (mostly in institutions, where they are under the power and control of someone else), whereas if people were allowed to kill themselves and people who wished them to not kill themselves weren’t allowed to take away that choice, they would be forced to implement more creative and human-flourishing-conductive solutions to people dying.

Once again, personal autonomy creates a superior incentive structure while allowing coercion destroys everything beautiful.

2 months ago · tagged #suicide cw #the best heuristic for oppressed people since sharp stick time · 20 notes · source: wirehead-wannabe · .permalink


shlevy:

genderfluid-ranma:

shlevy:

I often worry about what Drew Summit calls the “bourgeoisification” of socially liberal activism, wherein some policy or social shift is justified by emphasizing how normal and uncontroversial it is, often while explicitly throwing more “extreme” acts/people/situations under the bus. Gay people want to settle down, be monogamous, have 2.5 kids and a dog and a white picket fence just like you! Marijuana is really safe, safer than alcohol, and has some medicinal benefits too, it’s not like it’s *heroin* or anything!

On the one hand, the things this kind of activism focuses on are true. And they do address some of the concerns of people who would otherwise be opposed. And there’s a plausible case that over time this kind of strategy can lay the groundwork for the more weird cases to be accepted too (though I’d love to see concrete historical analysis here), and that even if they remain outside of the realm of the socially acceptable/legal they are at least not really much worse off for the change that’s being pushed.

On the other… These issues are totally besides the point. Marijuana should be legal even if it destroys your brain and kills you in 10 years. Gay people should be able to make arrangements about child care, shared finances, medical decisionmaking, etc. even if they’re living lives of constant drug-fueled sex parties in broken-down tenement homes. And not everyone can pass for normal, and not everyone wants to, and their legal rights shouldn’t depend on that.

I don’t have a solution here. I don’t know that this worry is justified; it may be that this kind of incremental change is exactly the right way to go. It feels like betraying my principles and letting values I don’t hold set the terms of the discussion, but feelings aren’t conclusions.

Marijuana absolutely should not be legal if it destroys your brain and kills you in 10 years. One of the key reasons for a government’s existence is to protect people from irrational choices. 

Re: gay marriage: prima facie the objection people have is “gay people are hypersexual fetishistic degenerates and thus tolerance for gay people is tolerance for moral decay”. Factually, “being gay” and “being a hypersexual fetishist” are orthogonal for the most part, which is what’s important here, because “actually hypersexual fetishistic degeneracy is great unlike your puritan morals which are based filthy lies that must be destroyed” is a discussion for a different day and a terrible objection to raise if you’re trying to make gay marriage legal.

It’s kind of like communism.

Did you know that people are pretty receptive to workers’ rights as long as you don’t mention Marx? “For each according to his ability, to each according to his need” sounds almost like a politically neutral phrase. People’s opposition to communism is mostly about, like, gulags and revolutions. Which is why internet marxists say “well, the bourgeoise must be of course slaughtered when we come to power. Join us now, and maybe we won’t kill you later.”

Respectability politics is the only reason anything ever gets done.

First, on the object level issues: I think that, possibly modulo some uncertain concerns about age and mental capacity, you have the right to do whatever you want to your own body. I also think you have the right to delegate financial, medical, childcare (modulo uncertain concerns about child abuse etc.), etc. concerns however you wish, regardless of the specific nature of your relationship with the person/people you delegate to. If you disagree with those things, fine, but this is not the post for you then.

Second, I think there’s a difference between incremental progress/aiming for low-hanging fruit and what I’m talking about here. You could look at the situation in, say, 2008 and say “hey, we’re pretty close with gay marriage, let’s focus our efforts on this” without specifically emphasizing “they’re normal, they fit into our existing social and economic system just fine, don’t worry this isn’t a gateway to polyamory or anything” etc. You could say “gay people are just as entitled to make decisions about their lives as anyone else, the legal institution of marriage is currently how our society mediates certain decisions people make about their lives, so as long as that’s the case gay people should be extended the right” and not simultaneously distance them from more extreme cases.

Finally, I acknowledged in the OP that it may in fact be the case that this is the best way to do things (though I am still interested in detailed analysis here). I acknowledged that this is just a feeling, and is not something that should guide decisionmaking. There is no reason to shove the last two paragraphs in my face like they are somehow news to me. But, if I were a communist and I believed the bourgeoise would need to be slaughtered when we came to power, it would at the very least be fundamentally disappointing that my so-called allies recoiled at that idea and it wouldn’t be completely illegitimate for the working class to consider me a traitor. OK,that analogy is so far from my actual views as to be unhelpful, so let me go to an actual stance: It is fundamentally disappointing that my so-called allies in the fight for drug legalization don’t actually care about bodily autonomy, they just don’t think pot is worth the government forcing us about, and to the extent I emphasize those reasons instead of the autonomy ones I could very well be considered an enemy of those whose drug use falls outside that range. Again, to reemphasize, it may be that this is the best we can do, and once the pot battle is behind us we can move on to the next step, but it feels off.

That argument about hypothetical super-harmful marijuana is way too broad. Any kind of an unpopular and stigmatized choice can be constructed as an “irrationality” that people must be protected from if the powers that be so desire. Gays? Oh no, they’ll be bullied and catch AIDS, we must therapize them straight. Trans people? Oh no, they’ll kill themselves, we must do everything we can to prevent children from expressing gender non-comformity. Suffragettes? Oh no, don’t they know politics will ruin a woman’s uterus, won’t somebody think of the children because these mothers-to-be certainly don’t. Transhumanists? Don’t they know death is a blessing in disguise, we must throw a million bioethicists at them to force them to die against their will.

Autonomy is the only option that can’t be co-opted by oppressors so easily (even then there’s childrens’ vs. parents’ autonomy etc. but at least it breaks less often than paternalism). Anything that can be used to actually prevent people from doing ‘scientifically irrational thing X’ can, and all too often will be used to destroy you and people you care about (pigovian taxes notwithstanding; they still impose a burden but at least it’s not completely insurmountable and/or violent in the same way legal prohibitions are, so if you want to reduce irrational thing X don’t ban it, just tax it (but not so much that you create profitable black markets that are hard to eradicate non-violently)). For example, trans people have spent something like half a century fighting against gatekeeping imposed on us because the establishment wanted to protect us from irrational choices and was, and mostly still is, unable to recognize the harm from doing so. Transhumanists are right now subjected to ridiculous biopolicing to protect the sanctity of repugnance or whatever it is cishumanists fetishize.

It’s obscene that often a doctor can’t do the thing I specifically ask and pay for, to my own body with my own informed consent, because “primum non nocere”; but governments are completely unbound by such rules and violent men with guns will definitely force all sorts of reckless things upon a non-consenting populace because some people think they know better than others and can cook up studies supporting them.

Bans are serious fucking business, they should be reserved for things actually worth using the state apparatus of violence on. Eradicating measles? Possibly worth it if the alternatives don’t work. Preventing people from frying their own brains in ten years? Fuck no.

3 months ago · tagged #primum non nocere: the first principle of responsible government #death cw #suicide cw #homophobia cw #transphobia cw #deathism cw #vulgar libertarianism #the best heuristic for oppressed people since sharp stick time · 71 notes · source: shlevy · .permalink