promethea.incorporated

brave and steely-eyed and morally pure and a bit terrifying… /testimonials /evil /leet .ask? .ask_long?


metagorgon:

socialjusticemunchkin:

metagorgon:

socialjusticemunchkin:

metagorgon:

argumate:

xhxhxhx:

#xhxhxhx #fighting the good fight

@argumate​ is tired of my neoliberal bullshit

The threat of new entrants keeps monopolists on their toes. Deep, liquid, and liberal capital markets ensure that the entrants always have access to deep pools of money. 

Deregulation is good, privatization is good. Private firms do what public firms don’t. There were too many mines and rail lines, too many plants, too many lines, too many products, and too many employees. There are still too many post offices and airlines. 

Norton Villiers Triumph was a mistake. British Leyland was a mistake. British Aerospace was a mistake. British Airways was a mistake. British Steel was a mistake. British Rail was a mistake. British Coal was a mistake. There was much to be liquidated, and much that was not.

Deregulating the railroads was a good thing. Rate setting, employment, and capital investment did not need to follow the priorities of the regulators. It could follow demand instead, and liquidate everything that was not worth the cost. And the Bell System breakup was a wash. 

I don’t know whether the app market works the same way, but you’ll forgive me if I’m skeptical of state monopolies and state regulation of private carriers. It doesn’t usually work well.

I’m always eager for your bullshit! :)

It’s certainly easy to point to examples of successful deregulation and privatisation, and China could benefit from a whole heap of that right now.

It’s also possible to point to awful failures of privatisation where the state ends up subsidising private companies to do the same job more expensively, typically due to other natural monopoly constraints that make it impossible to have a truly competitive market.

But back to Apple, that may actually be an example of an overly-regulated market, just the regulation is being done by a (huge) company, not the state.

While the app market seems free and competitive as absolutely anyone can make an app and try to sell it, Apple has absolute discretion on which apps they approve for sale and can deny you at any time based on criteria they don’t even have to reveal. They use this power to protect their monopoly, but this can make it very risky to innovate as you have to develop the entire app and submit it for approval and only then once the entire development costs have been paid will you find out if Apple will let you sell it or not.

Then of course if you make something amazingly brilliant and lots of people buy it, Apple take 30% of your revenues in exchange for doing absolutely nothing :|

The app store itself is a terrible piece of software, but you can’t make a better app store and charge more competitive rates as Apple won’t let you.

Basically if the tech giants were states they would not be very good ones.

monopolists are not kept on their toes because they use their glut of market power and collude with related monopolies in order to destroy or consume all newcomers. tech startup culture is about getting your company valuable enough for one of the agglomerates to notice you and perform extend-embrace-extinguish on your products in return for paying back your investors and yourself. the only exchange of value is in currency between the capitalists; the social value of the product is lost and even corrupted against the consumers.

the lifecycles of these giants are on a continental scale, they do everything they can to ensure that they themselves survive. all selective pressure has been lost, and these are in fact worse than the government because they have political power and simultaneously answer to none but their owners.

companies aren’t selected for market freedom or perfection, they’re selected for survival. the free market is an unstable equilibrium. at the very best you have different monopolists and monopolies at the helm, and that is not better.

IP, IP, IP

Those companies would be in a lot more precarious position if the state didn’t send PoliceMob after anyone who “violates” “ownership” of numbers.

And excuse me, but I’ve got to be the one to say this: not all startups

Some of us are actually trying to bring down some giants for being so shitty. The freedom of dying starving wolves is just a nice bonus compared to the livestock complacency of being a corp drone.

that is a good point, though i would not call it a necessary and sufficient condition for anticompetitive practices. you would agree with regulation of force, correct? i can’t picture ancapistan without companies having their own PoliceMobs, which may keep them from committing violence on each other (sans literal corporate warfare), but definitely does not keep them from protecting their own position against newcomers. the actual mob is a thing.

This margin is too narrow to contain a treatise on Non-Police Mob, other than that state enforcement of bans on drugs, gambling etc. make those industries both profitable and violent, thus in a certain way serving to protect the Mob.

A libertarian economy would need to be fragmented enough that no single actor could re-establish “effectively a regulatory state, no matter what one calls it de jure” and there are reasons to believe that private-as-in-privacy police and courts and polycentric law could be less vulnerable to monopolistic capture than state monopoly law.

Also, I consider Pure Ancapistan relatively unlikely as a lot of people seem to want different things and thus an actual libertarian society would probably be a patchwork of all kinds of systems, from Ancapistan somewhere to Ancomalia elsewhere and Consensual Social Democracy in its own place, the market for governance systems supplying the various demands competitively, and thus the existence of different systems throws a wrench into the plans of trying to model just a single one (I suspect it might possibly have a stabilizing effect, as the failures of one system could just destroy it without having massive effects on everyone else; think startups going bankrupt whereas the USSR was the equivalent of a “too big to fail” megacorp; and thus the overall system could figure out what actually works well; and less-than-destructive failures could be moderated by the alternatives, as the standard of living in $alternative_system effectively sets the floor for how terrible things could get in $another_system (and ancaps and ancoms seem to basically simply disagree on which system is the one where all the refugees from the other system’s Inevitable Failure would end up at)).

In fact, there’s an argument to be made that Scott’s Archipelago is basically very close to what an Actual Anarchist World (as opposed to various unrealistic utopias that are basically “what if everyone automagically suddenly agreed with us and coordinated perfectly in implementing it?”) might be expected to look like.

I agree with regulation of force, but I really want to see alternative ways of regulating it because I’m highly suspicious of the claim that “The State is best supplier of that service and the fact that it has been violently suppressing competition is totally not in any way related to its degree of confidence in how well it effectively believes it could compete against consensual alternatives”. And when one looks at the period of history closest to “companies having their own PoliceMobs” which is still in any way relevant to modern society, the state was there watching the back of those companies, thus effectively subsidizing their ability to do violence and passing the costs of that enforcement to taxpayers and other innocent victims.

i agree that prohibitions protect and nurture organized crime, but that wasn’t how organized crime got started. the irish mafia came before prohibition. i don’t know enough about the time period to say more, but i would think the only prohibition in effect at the time was on good jobs for irish workers. that might be isomorphic to substance prohibitions, i don’t know.

scott’s archipelago rests on a meta-state, unigov, which is a minarchist complete monopoly on inter-state force with universal community taxes for coordination, externalities, and an enforcing military. i would hesitate to call it anarchist.

though i haven’t seen a working state yet, i believe technology can enable one just as you believe technology can enable a working anarchy. friendly ai is the problem of good governance.

my main concerns with states and their alternatives are:

  • protection against harm and interventions to reduce expressed harm
  • increasing freedom of behavior and movement
  • counteracting externalities
  • counteracting poverty and inequity, necessary for the above
  • increasing perfection of markets
  • reducing anticompetitive practices, necessary for the above
  • reducing cognitive complexity, i.e. different standards of information and behavior, complex standards (this is not done well by central authorities or otherwise, possibly the only solution is intelligence enhancement)
  • reducing coordination costs of all of the above

a lot of it has to do with providing public goods, which benefit everyone and can be paid for by no one in particular.

there are probably more. with foot-voting, tax evasion is a concern. basic income is a strong intuition for me. i don’t see how basic income can be reliably funded without a simple universal progressive tax, and i don’t see how a universal tax can be levied without a universal centralized monopoly on force.

aside: advertising and applied memetics in general are massive issues for me. which side wins is a priori neutral save for those with more resources being more likely to succeed. all that is produced then is a massive negative externality in coercion, cognitive load, misinformation, tribal polarization, anti-competition, resource costs, security vulnerabilities, i hate it i hate it i hate it. ad blockers are certainly a blessing, but they’re only individual-level solutions, while the problems are with the society that enables and lives by them. off-topic, though…

a micro/transaction-based system might have some improvements, it certainly would for removing the parasite of advertising from the otherwise-starving face of media (at least, small media, big media can go choke). i am hesitant to go down that route, though. it has dystopic feels if there is any coercive pressure (though to some extent this would be replacing taxation?), poverty in general has to be addressed, and administrative/coordination costs have not been addressed yet.

now i’m basically spewing disconnected thoughts. i will leave this here.

The ILA had bought off the politicians. That’s exactly what I’m talking about; good government is a public good, bad government is a private good, thus the former will always be undersupplied and the later oversupplied. The politicians helped pass the costs of organized crime onto citizens, whereas in hypothetical Anarchistan the honest businesses and citizens would be able to wage war on the ILA without politicians and their police being there to stop them.

Scott’s version of the Archipelago features Unigov, and even I suspect that Firewall might be necessary, but the basic anarchist idea is that the absence of states would render it unprofitable to try to re-establish states. David Friedman’s claim seems to basically be that genuine polycentrism would turn good law into a private good and bad law into a public good, and while I lack the qualifications to evaluate it properly, it at least sounds very interesting.

(Firewall, being an organization with a strictly restricted purpose which would have to be internally tailored to resist attempts at co-option to serve private interests, would be an interesting problem to solve but a very vital problem nonetheless. I’m not saying it would necessarily be solvable, but if it isn’t, we’re fucked anyway so one might as well operate off the assumption that the world can be saved and the only question is “how”.) (And even semi-georgist Unigov taxing land and common pool resources to do its very limited functions with otherwise a total hands-off approach would probably be Least Bad State, especially compared to what we have now. My anarchism will be pragmatic or it will not get anything done.)

Most of the things you listed are things existing states tend to suck at. Open source etc. seems to show that under conditions of sufficient material abundance, prosocial motivations combined with reputation economies can help incentivize the creation of public goods. Then there’s also the fact that any inefficiency in the market is theoretically an opportunity to make a profit if the inefficiency can be solved at less cost than it itself causes. Crowdfunding, for example, is one neat solution facilitated by modern technology reducing transaction costs and basically making copyright totally unnecessary for the “find out how art-makers get paid” purpose and exposing its true “find out how cronyists can extract maximum rents” purpose.

Basic income is obviously a problem because you can’t give people free money without taking it from others in some form (otherwise the money would just be worthless), but a possible alternative would be making some things so cheap that people can easily access their necessities. States tend to be terrible in this regard; due to regulatory capture etc. they don’t really have the incentives to safeguard commons but instead have historically systematically worked to fence them in and hand them to cronies (inclosure acts, intellectual property, etc.). And due to the monopoly on violence they can get away with it, but people who are dedicated to defending their commons from external seizure would be less likely to be worth messing with if there weren’t such big monopolistic organizations to render their resistance ineffectual. I’d expect an Actual Anarchist society to feature a lot of sharing as supporters of welfare could construct communities to do it voluntarily, and when someone wants to call themselves a king the anarcho-syndicalist communes could just disregard their claims and keep doing what they were doing, knowing that there isn’t enough violence inherent in the system to disrupt their utopias.

(A darker, more cynical possibility might be that nobody actually wants to help others, and superficially well-intentioned welfare states are a simple accidental side-effect of status signaling, and the inability to maintain the structures that keep them up would reveal the true preferences for dog-eat-dog brutality that people have underneath. That being said, even I, who have been described as “the most Slytherin/Slytherin person I’ve seen”, don’t believe freed humans would actually be like that.)

The argument that foot-voting and thus tax evasion would be a significant problem is true if one accepts some basic premises of the present system, but I doubt the strength of those basic premises under possible alternatives. Unregulated free-as-in-speech currency could reduce the power of financial rentseekers when people could just switch to some other means of exchange for their own needs. And without the state to enforce the property of absentee owners and pass the costs of citizens, capital-holders would need to be worth keeping around and non-value-creating rentseeking where some asshole simply calls themselves the Owner and wants to extract money from people without doing anything useful would be a lot more vulnerable to people just deciding that such shit wouldn’t fly. Thus, actually value-creating businesses could continue to operate within win-win frameworks, while artificially uppropped rentiers would be more precarious, and the system would have an incentive to create such win-win frameworks for people to operate in.

The problems of advertising and such things also apply to states as well; a lot of money and effort is wasted on democratic politics because whoever wins the election gets to pick their neighbors’ pockets, and thus it reallocates resources from productive activities to what’s basically thievery on an organized scale.

Then there’s the question of people optimizing for monetary gain over eudaimonia (”I am a contract-drafting EM…”), and I have a vague intuition that the decoupling of money from eudaimonia is an important factor, and if people were free to choose between systems they would probably prefer the ones that supply more eudaimonia and the exchange rate of money and eudaimonia would fluctuate freely, thus eradicating this particular failure mode. The failure mode of some people disregarding eudaimonia and optimizing for taking over the world would still persist, but that’s what Firewall/FAI is for. We can’t have everything, and even states-as-they-exist are vulnerable to the exact same processes (as anyone who has played 4X games knows, governments which sacrifice power for eudaimonia inevitably get outcompeted by those who don’t).

Poverty in general isn’t actually that much of an issue assuming near-future technology and absence of distorting factors. Most people can do something productive (as creation of material value grows ever more automated, they can switch to creating immaterial value instead, and prices should simply go down and down), and most people prefer to take care of people in their communities, and thus we should technically be in a better position than ever to eradicate poverty-as-in-deprivation. The problem is the allocation, and it seems that states mostly serve the interests of those who wish to see everything allocated to themselves (be they crony capitalists or redwashed rentiers). Any kind of centralization in power is probably dangerous (even if it may be sometimes necessary), and thus states are kind of not helping with this issue.

Of course, this is all just the type of vulgar theory which is mostly only good for eulering people.

(Also, as an interesting aside, the way people found startups to get bought out by the big tech monopolies seems entertainingly similar to how people built fake refineries just so they could sell them to Standard Oil and trick away a share of its monopoly profits. In a certain way the market is already making the corps bleed money everywhere even though in practice that “everywhere” tends to mean only “skilled programmers” (although programmers in turn create more jobs in the service sector than other fields, because we’re lazy af and like to pay people to do things we don’t feel like doing) while the government’s biggest contribution is upholding the patents and other bullshit that only help anti-competitive practices.)

(via metagorgon)

2 weeks ago · tagged #i am worst capitalist · 100 notes · source: argumate · .permalink


brazenautomaton:

ursaeinsilviscacant:

nostalgebraist:

Another post on Galileo’s Middle Finger, having finally finished the book.  (Previous posts: Maria New and prenatal dex, also various posts in the tag #michael bailey cw?)

Galileo’s Middle Finger (hereafter GMF) is a strange book.  On one level, the book’s content is pretty easy to make sense of: Alice Dreger has been involved in a number of dramatic academic controversies over the course of her career, and she figured (sensibly enough) that people might enjoy reading a book that retells these stories.  To some extent, she just presents the book as “a memoir of the controversies I’ve been involved in.”

However, she also claims that these stories are connected by an overarching theme, which is something like this:

“Scientists and activists often find themselves at odds, on opposite sides of angry battles.  But everyone should recognize that truth and justice are intimately connected: you can’t help the victims of injustice if you don’t care about the facts of the situation, and if you’re in a unique position to explore facts (such as an academic job), you ought to steer your investigations toward the social good – not by sacrificing the truth, but by looking for the truths that can help.  Activists need to be more concerned with truth, and scientists need to be more concerned with justice.  And if both sides followed this advice, they would be at odds far less often.”

All of this sounds very agreeable to me; I think I already more-or-less agreed with it before I read Dreger’s book.  But do Dreger’s accounts of various controversies actually serve as useful examples of this stuff?  Not always.  And Dreger’s attempts to link everything back to her theme produce some awkward results.


Besides a few minor subplots, there are three controversies narrated in GMF.  First, she narrates the controversy over Michael Bailey’s book The Man Who Would Be Queen.  Second, the controversy over Patrick Tierney’s book Darkness in El Dorado, which accused anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon of genocide as well as various other wrongdoings.  Third, Dreger’s investigations into Maria New and her struggles to get her criticisms recognized by government bodies and the public.

Of these three, it’s the Tierney/Chagnon case that most directly fits Dreger’s theme.  Tierney’s book was a work of shoddy hack journalism which made spectacular allegations that have been uniformly refuted by later investigators.  (N.B. Tierney made many allegations, and some of the more minor ones have been less clearly refuted, but those weren’t the ones that made headlines.)  Nonetheless, shortly after the book came out, the American Anthropological Association quickly endorsed Tierney’s book – the academic equivalent of reflexively believing a callout post without checking the sources.

Reading this in terms of Dreger’s theme seems straightforward: in its concern for justice, the AAA neglected the value of truth, and thus failed to even serve justice.

Even here, though, the theme strains a bit.  The Tierney debacle was not exactly a conflict between “activists” and “academics”; the people under-valuing truth in the service of justice were the academics of the AAA.  (Tierney could arguably be called an “activist,” but Dreger treats him – rightly, it seems to me – as a hack journalist from whom more concern for the truth cannot be expected.)

The Maria New story also lacks a clear instance of an activist failing to sufficiently value truth.  In that story, Dreger is the activist, raising ethical concerns from the outside about an established academic, and her activism is directly grounded in science that she believes that academic is ignoring.  She may intend this as an example of “activism done right” (about which more later), and/or as a case of an academic caring too little about justice.  But it’s not as though New is ignoring justice because truth is her only value; as Dreger notes, her prenatal dex work has produced little in the way of academic knowledge.  So again, it’s hard to see this as an illustration of the theme.

So far, it looks like Dreger has failed to exhibit an example of activists behaving badly, although this is crucial to her theme.  The third story (well, first as presented in the book), about Michael Bailey, is her main (and only) example of this.  But of the three stories, it’s that one that fits the theme least well.

Dreger’s account of the Bailey controversy shares a quality with her account of the Chagnon controversy: both are told as stories of lovable and humane, if out-of-touch, researchers being persecuted by ignorant people who don’t understand them.  Dreger spends a great deal of text talking about how much she personally likes Bailey and Chagnon – Bailey is a personal friend, Chagnon she met while investigating that controversy.  As “characters” in the book, they downright glow.  They’re funny, they’re good company, they both have cute and harmonious marriages.

It makes sense to write stuff like this in order to humanize people who have been demonized by others.  But one has to note here that none of this bears on the “truth” side of the things.  It’s certainly possible for someone to have committed genocide and still be a warm and sparkling conversationalist at the dinner table; it’s possible for Michael Bailey to be a great guy if you know him personally, and nonetheless to have been wrong about trans women.

With Chagnon, this tension never becomes relevant, because as a matter of simple fact, Chagnon was exonerated by multiple serious investigators.  With Bailey, the tension is glaringly relevant, because the issue of whether Bailey is actually right never gets fully addressed in Dreger’s treatment.  Indeed, she treats it almost as an irrelevant side issue.  Where is the value of truth here?

To be fair, Dreger does put her beliefs on the table about the issue.  But these beliefs seem to reveal little serious interest in the questions involved.  She seems to have uncritically bought the Blanchard-Bailey line – possibly because she only cares about these issues insofar as they affect her good friend Michael Bailey? – and to have done little investigation into academic work on transgender beyond this.

Astonishingly, for instance, the phrase “gender dysphoria” never appears in GMF at all.  (A word-search for “dysphoria” turns up only one result, in the title of a Blanchard paper cited in the endnotes.)  When Dreger presents her account of trans women, she talks about (for instance) transitioning as a choice made by feminine gay men in order to better fit into homophobic social environments, stressing that these people might not have transitioned if feminine gay identities were more accepted in their local environments.  I’m willing to believe this happens sometimes – but Dreger seems to actually not know that gender dysphoria is a thing.  This is in a book published in 2015.  One wonders if she’s ever even looked up the condition in the DSM (which changed the name from “Gender Identity Disorder” to “Gender Dysphoria” in the 2013 DSM-V, but even before that had included dysphoria as one of the two major diagnostic criteria).

Dreger has a page on her website, written after GMF was published, in which she responds to questions about “autogynephilia” and states her current positions.  Again, she never mentions gender dysphoria.  Of Blanchard’s androphilic/autogynephilic typology, she says that “I think what I’ve seen from the scientific clinical literature and socioculturally suggests this division makes sense.”  She does not provide any citations, and does not address critiques (see here) that the data show a continuum which does not separate well into two clusters.

I belabor all of this because Dreger’s indifference to the truth here simply makes GMF fundamentally incoherent.  I agree with Dreger’s theme; I have no clue how she thinks the Bailey story illustrates it.


But wait – Dreger’s claim is that activists value truth too little in their quests for justice.  Does this hold true for the activists who attacked Michael Bailey?

Again, Dreger seems to not much care.  She devotes a lot of space to the claims made by these activists, but mostly to express confusion over them.  Noting that some of them display what look to her like signs of autogynephilia, she scratches her head: why are they angry at a book for talking about autogynephilia?  One would think that someone in Dreger’s position – someone interested in getting to the bottom of situations where truth and justice appear to conflict – ought to answer a question like this.  Dreger doesn’t.  Her attitude is basically: “who are these weird people attacking my friend Michael?  What do they want?  They’re so confusing!  Michael is a scientist, so maybe they don’t like science?  Jeez, who knows!!!”

What she substitutes for consideration of these issues – and let me be clear, this is not nothing – is a detailed, blow-by-blow account of the nasty, dishonest ways in which the activists tried to ruin Michael Bailey’s reputation.  They were, in fact, really nasty.  But people don’t just do things like that for no reason.  What about the larger questions of truth and justice here?  Why do these activists believe Michael Bailey is so harmful?  Could it be the case that Bailey is harmful, to the point that defaming him is a net good?

Dreger never mentions this sort of idea, but it hangs uncomfortably over her whole book.  She bemoans the fact that her work on Maria New – which is generally polite and non-nasty, if very harsh on New – has failed to make appreciable waves in the world, beyond loading the first page of Google results with dex-critical pages.  On the other hand, Bailey’s book is now solely known as the subject of a stormy controversy, which received huge amounts of media discussion.  What if nasty activism is sometimes necessary to get the job done?  What if simply having both truth and justice on your side isn’t enough?  And, putting it the other way around, how can Dreger assume that the anti-Bailey crowd didn’t have truth and justice on its side, just because they were nasty and vicious to her friend?

In Dreger’s telling, Andrea James is a scary asshole who sends her possibly-physical threats via email, and Michael Bailey and Napoleon Chagnon are precious cinnamon rolls.  But fighting for truth-and-justice is not the same as identifying the Nice People and the Mean People.  These may in fact be (I hate to say it) largely unrelated endeavors.

A serious book about activism, science, truth and justice would begin with these disquieting possibilities, and then explore from there.  (One example that book might look at: Dreger’s earlier non-nasty activism for intersex people has gotten stuff done.)  Dreger’s book instead stays in an overly cozy universe, where “fighting for good” and “defending her lovable buddies against the bad meanies” can never be conflicting goals.

“What if nasty activism is sometimes necessary to get the job done?  What if simply having both truth and justice on your side isn’t enough?”

I really want more serious treatment of this question from someone sensible. Obviously I really hope the answer is no, and I am tired of discourse from people who seem like they would actively prefer the answer to be yes (although maybe it’s only my bias making them seem that way.) But yeah, doe anyone know of any decent book-length discussions of the issue which look at real-life situations?

The answer is no because the moment you decide that nasty activism is necessary to get the job done you completely lose the capacity to distinguish “cases when nasty activism is a distasteful necessity” from “cases where nasty activism can be used to punish people for saying things that make me upset, or just for the crime of being unpopular and perceptible to me.”

This is proving too much. If one contrasts nasty activism to violence, one could say the exact same thing, and to some degree it’s quite true (PoliceMob being a very good example of insufficiently restrained violence, contrast with BadSJMob), but the actually correct answer would probably be “it’s possible to use it usefully, but most of the time it’s a bad idea and completely abstaining from it is way less likely to be harmful than using it indiscriminately”.

TL;DR and a fucking massive disclaimer to not get this misunderstood and misrepresented by everyone: I think most nastiness is excessive and unwarranted, but consider it at least possibly excusable in some situations where people are reacting to sufficiently shitty things, and Bailey is up there in the list of “those few cases where nastiness and extremism might be okay”, along with the likes of Judge Rotenberg Centre etc.; and it’s really shitty that if I say “Bailey is terrible, scorn him”, some asshole somewhere will take it as endorsement of heaping abuse on some kid whose only crime was not being up to date with their shibboleths.

(descriptions of dirty tricks, nasty sj, and other dark underbelly-of-the-world things below the cut)

Keep reading

2 weeks ago · tagged #nastiness cw #transmisogyny cw #cissexism cw #suicide cw #the best heuristic for oppressed people since sharp stick time · 54 notes · source: nostalgebraist · .permalink


metagorgon:

socialjusticemunchkin:

metagorgon:

argumate:

xhxhxhx:

#xhxhxhx #fighting the good fight

@argumate​ is tired of my neoliberal bullshit

The threat of new entrants keeps monopolists on their toes. Deep, liquid, and liberal capital markets ensure that the entrants always have access to deep pools of money. 

Deregulation is good, privatization is good. Private firms do what public firms don’t. There were too many mines and rail lines, too many plants, too many lines, too many products, and too many employees. There are still too many post offices and airlines. 

Norton Villiers Triumph was a mistake. British Leyland was a mistake. British Aerospace was a mistake. British Airways was a mistake. British Steel was a mistake. British Rail was a mistake. British Coal was a mistake. There was much to be liquidated, and much that was not.

Deregulating the railroads was a good thing. Rate setting, employment, and capital investment did not need to follow the priorities of the regulators. It could follow demand instead, and liquidate everything that was not worth the cost. And the Bell System breakup was a wash. 

I don’t know whether the app market works the same way, but you’ll forgive me if I’m skeptical of state monopolies and state regulation of private carriers. It doesn’t usually work well.

I’m always eager for your bullshit! :)

It’s certainly easy to point to examples of successful deregulation and privatisation, and China could benefit from a whole heap of that right now.

It’s also possible to point to awful failures of privatisation where the state ends up subsidising private companies to do the same job more expensively, typically due to other natural monopoly constraints that make it impossible to have a truly competitive market.

But back to Apple, that may actually be an example of an overly-regulated market, just the regulation is being done by a (huge) company, not the state.

While the app market seems free and competitive as absolutely anyone can make an app and try to sell it, Apple has absolute discretion on which apps they approve for sale and can deny you at any time based on criteria they don’t even have to reveal. They use this power to protect their monopoly, but this can make it very risky to innovate as you have to develop the entire app and submit it for approval and only then once the entire development costs have been paid will you find out if Apple will let you sell it or not.

Then of course if you make something amazingly brilliant and lots of people buy it, Apple take 30% of your revenues in exchange for doing absolutely nothing :|

The app store itself is a terrible piece of software, but you can’t make a better app store and charge more competitive rates as Apple won’t let you.

Basically if the tech giants were states they would not be very good ones.

monopolists are not kept on their toes because they use their glut of market power and collude with related monopolies in order to destroy or consume all newcomers. tech startup culture is about getting your company valuable enough for one of the agglomerates to notice you and perform extend-embrace-extinguish on your products in return for paying back your investors and yourself. the only exchange of value is in currency between the capitalists; the social value of the product is lost and even corrupted against the consumers.

the lifecycles of these giants are on a continental scale, they do everything they can to ensure that they themselves survive. all selective pressure has been lost, and these are in fact worse than the government because they have political power and simultaneously answer to none but their owners.

companies aren’t selected for market freedom or perfection, they’re selected for survival. the free market is an unstable equilibrium. at the very best you have different monopolists and monopolies at the helm, and that is not better.

IP, IP, IP

Those companies would be in a lot more precarious position if the state didn’t send PoliceMob after anyone who “violates” “ownership” of numbers.

And excuse me, but I’ve got to be the one to say this: not all startups

Some of us are actually trying to bring down some giants for being so shitty. The freedom of dying starving wolves is just a nice bonus compared to the livestock complacency of being a corp drone.

that is a good point, though i would not call it a necessary and sufficient condition for anticompetitive practices. you would agree with regulation of force, correct? i can’t picture ancapistan without companies having their own PoliceMobs, which may keep them from committing violence on each other (sans literal corporate warfare), but definitely does not keep them from protecting their own position against newcomers. the actual mob is a thing.

This margin is too narrow to contain a treatise on Non-Police Mob, other than that state enforcement of bans on drugs, gambling etc. make those industries both profitable and violent, thus in a certain way serving to protect the Mob.

A libertarian economy would need to be fragmented enough that no single actor could re-establish “effectively a regulatory state, no matter what one calls it de jure” and there are reasons to believe that private-as-in-privacy police and courts and polycentric law could be less vulnerable to monopolistic capture than state monopoly law.

Also, I consider Pure Ancapistan relatively unlikely as a lot of people seem to want different things and thus an actual libertarian society would probably be a patchwork of all kinds of systems, from Ancapistan somewhere to Ancomalia elsewhere and Consensual Social Democracy in its own place, the market for governance systems supplying the various demands competitively, and thus the existence of different systems throws a wrench into the plans of trying to model just a single one (I suspect it might possibly have a stabilizing effect, as the failures of one system could just destroy it without having massive effects on everyone else; think startups going bankrupt whereas the USSR was the equivalent of a “too big to fail” megacorp; and thus the overall system could figure out what actually works well; and less-than-destructive failures could be moderated by the alternatives, as the standard of living in $alternative_system effectively sets the floor for how terrible things could get in $another_system (and ancaps and ancoms seem to basically simply disagree on which system is the one where all the refugees from the other system’s Inevitable Failure would end up at)).

In fact, there’s an argument to be made that Scott’s Archipelago is basically very close to what an Actual Anarchist World (as opposed to various unrealistic utopias that are basically “what if everyone automagically suddenly agreed with us and coordinated perfectly in implementing it?”) might be expected to look like.

I agree with regulation of force, but I really want to see alternative ways of regulating it because I’m highly suspicious of the claim that “The State is best supplier of that service and the fact that it has been violently suppressing competition is totally not in any way related to its degree of confidence in how well it effectively believes it could compete against consensual alternatives”. And when one looks at the period of history closest to “companies having their own PoliceMobs” which is still in any way relevant to modern society, the state was there watching the back of those companies, thus effectively subsidizing their ability to do violence and passing the costs of that enforcement to taxpayers and other innocent victims.

(via metagorgon)

3 weeks ago · 100 notes · source: argumate · .permalink


socialjusticemunchkin:

Any recommendations for what to do when you had written a brilliant and well-sourced post on a relatively relevant topic, sparkled with snarky humor and other promethea-brand idiosyncracies, only to lose it when you fucking touchpad accidentally opens imgur? Because I’m kind of looking for some alternative to “find out what intoxicants my medicine cabinet contains and take a bit of everything” because FUCKING FUCK

I mean seriously, it had everything: a data-driven approach investigating an interesting angle on a question a lot of people get dangerously wrong all the time, the obligatory funmaking of people who say “cuck” and mean it, the phrase “hands-on experience” applied to racial stereotypes of phalloclitoris sizes and the reason why those are more relevant for some big societal issues than people would think, some more mind-in-the-gutter sardonic commentary on human nature, actual sources for actual claims, and it was answering an anonymous ask. (Whoever sent it: I’m sorry, you’ll have to wait because I’m not trying it again today because FUCK ALL THIS SHIT)

3 weeks ago · tagged #drugs cw #gfy cops i've got a prescription #nsfw text · 18 notes · source: socialjusticemunchkin · .permalink


metagorgon:

funereal-disease:

Many, many people have been forced into nonconsensual abortion and sterilization. This is atrocious for all involved, and it is very important to stand against it. It also doesn’t make the right to choose abortion or sterilization any less important and necessary. The fact that some people are forced to abort does not mean other people should be forced not to abort. 

I don’t see suicide any differently. The fact that some people have been murdered by ableist institutions does not excuse keeping other people alive against their will. Denying a person’s agency is denying a person’s agency.

Telling a story about a person who chooses abortion is not inherently disrespectful to or dismissive of people who have undergone abortions against their will. It’s merely exploring a different side of what I want more activists to recognize as the same coin. I’d like to see alliance among all people who believe in bodily autonomy, regardless of what that autonomy would look like to them personally. 

Those of us who fight for the right to choose abortion are not the enemy of those who fight involuntary sterilization. Those of us who believe in the right to die are not the enemy of those who want to live. At the end of the day, we’re all angling for the same agency. Please, let’s not fight one another. Let’s fight the common enemies that keep us all from self-determination. 

pro-choice, goddammit.

(via metagorgon)

3 weeks ago · tagged #suicide cw · 78 notes · source: funereal-disease · .permalink


Any recommendations for what to do when you had written a brilliant and well-sourced post on a relatively relevant topic, sparkled with snarky humor and other promethea-brand idiosyncracies, only to lose it when you fucking touchpad accidentally opens imgur? Because I’m kind of looking for some alternative to “find out what intoxicants my medicine cabinet contains and take a bit of everything” because FUCKING FUCK

3 weeks ago · tagged #drugs cw #gfy cops i've got a prescription · 18 notes · .permalink


metagorgon:

argumate:

xhxhxhx:

#xhxhxhx #fighting the good fight

@argumate​ is tired of my neoliberal bullshit

The threat of new entrants keeps monopolists on their toes. Deep, liquid, and liberal capital markets ensure that the entrants always have access to deep pools of money. 

Deregulation is good, privatization is good. Private firms do what public firms don’t. There were too many mines and rail lines, too many plants, too many lines, too many products, and too many employees. There are still too many post offices and airlines. 

Norton Villiers Triumph was a mistake. British Leyland was a mistake. British Aerospace was a mistake. British Airways was a mistake. British Steel was a mistake. British Rail was a mistake. British Coal was a mistake. There was much to be liquidated, and much that was not.

Deregulating the railroads was a good thing. Rate setting, employment, and capital investment did not need to follow the priorities of the regulators. It could follow demand instead, and liquidate everything that was not worth the cost. And the Bell System breakup was a wash. 

I don’t know whether the app market works the same way, but you’ll forgive me if I’m skeptical of state monopolies and state regulation of private carriers. It doesn’t usually work well.

I’m always eager for your bullshit! :)

It’s certainly easy to point to examples of successful deregulation and privatisation, and China could benefit from a whole heap of that right now.

It’s also possible to point to awful failures of privatisation where the state ends up subsidising private companies to do the same job more expensively, typically due to other natural monopoly constraints that make it impossible to have a truly competitive market.

But back to Apple, that may actually be an example of an overly-regulated market, just the regulation is being done by a (huge) company, not the state.

While the app market seems free and competitive as absolutely anyone can make an app and try to sell it, Apple has absolute discretion on which apps they approve for sale and can deny you at any time based on criteria they don’t even have to reveal. They use this power to protect their monopoly, but this can make it very risky to innovate as you have to develop the entire app and submit it for approval and only then once the entire development costs have been paid will you find out if Apple will let you sell it or not.

Then of course if you make something amazingly brilliant and lots of people buy it, Apple take 30% of your revenues in exchange for doing absolutely nothing :|

The app store itself is a terrible piece of software, but you can’t make a better app store and charge more competitive rates as Apple won’t let you.

Basically if the tech giants were states they would not be very good ones.

monopolists are not kept on their toes because they use their glut of market power and collude with related monopolies in order to destroy or consume all newcomers. tech startup culture is about getting your company valuable enough for one of the agglomerates to notice you and perform extend-embrace-extinguish on your products in return for paying back your investors and yourself. the only exchange of value is in currency between the capitalists; the social value of the product is lost and even corrupted against the consumers.

the lifecycles of these giants are on a continental scale, they do everything they can to ensure that they themselves survive. all selective pressure has been lost, and these are in fact worse than the government because they have political power and simultaneously answer to none but their owners.

companies aren’t selected for market freedom or perfection, they’re selected for survival. the free market is an unstable equilibrium. at the very best you have different monopolists and monopolies at the helm, and that is not better.

IP, IP, IP

Those companies would be in a lot more precarious position if the state didn’t send PoliceMob after anyone who “violates” “ownership” of numbers.

And excuse me, but I’ve got to be the one to say this: not all startups

Some of us are actually trying to bring down some giants for being so shitty. The freedom of dying starving wolves is just a nice bonus compared to the livestock complacency of being a corp drone.

(via metagorgon)

3 weeks ago · tagged #yes i went there #my goal is to overshoot 'shamefully embarrassing' so hard #that it wraps right back to 'sincerely inspirational' #future precariat billionaire · 100 notes · source: argumate · .permalink


light-rook:

thetransintransgenic:

socialjusticemunchkin:

First I switch distro to get terminal colors right…

Then I compile my own terminal to get that goddamn scrollbar to disappear…

What next, a custom kernel to lock down vimperator (aka firefox for those who use the mouse) properly?

*checks to-do list*

Oh, right, custom kernel yes I wasn’t kidding

This Is Your Brain On GNU/Linux

Okay, if Firefox has anything to do with your kernel, something has gone very wrong.

It’s not about firefox itself, it’s about hardening firejail with grsec. Although I ended up skipping the compile as the defaults were acceptable for my desktop machine which doesn’t mind a slight slowdown as I can easily OC it to hell to more than compensate for it. Although the chewing gum Intel started adding between the die and the heatspreader after Sandy Bridge is ruining my temps so I’m only getting 4.4G at max loads (as opposed to 3.4G stock) when I should be running at 4.6G voltage-limited instead.

3 weeks ago · tagged #baby leet · 26 notes · source: socialjusticemunchkin · .permalink


thetransintransgenic:

socialjusticemunchkin:

thetransintransgenic:

socialjusticemunchkin:

First I switch distro to get terminal colors right…

Then I compile my own terminal to get that goddamn scrollbar to disappear…

What next, a custom kernel to lock down vimperator (aka firefox for those who use the mouse) properly?

*checks to-do list*

Oh, right, custom kernel yes I wasn’t kidding

This Is Your Brain On GNU/Linux

UPDATE: custom st compiled correctly and works!

…kind of; now I just need to unfuck everything I fucked in building the initial pkgbuild

but most importantly, it delivers on its MVP; it sucks less because it doesn’t have the goddamn urxvt scrollbar no amount of screwing around in .Xresources will let me demolish

PROMETHEA STOP BEFORE IT’S TOO LATE

Don’t worry I can’t go too deep in this because too deep is impossible I’ve got to have time to write ‘Apocalypse Lawyer’ as well. And QubesNix doesn’t have all the stuff I need, yet

(via thetransintransgenic)

3 weeks ago · tagged #baby leet · 26 notes · source: socialjusticemunchkin · .permalink


Apocalypse Lawyer

sdhs-rationalist:

socialjusticemunchkin:

collapsedsquid:

socialjusticemunchkin:

ilzolende:

vaniver:

Game idea that sprung from a conversation with @brazenautomaton about nonviolent gameplay. Ideally, it’d be Fallout branded, but that’s not necessary

Most RPGs get nonviolent solutions mostly wrong. You click some dialog options, and if you choose the right sequence, people change their minds. This is sort of like how real conversations work, except all the perception and creativity are the author’s. If they have a third solution that you didn’t see, you can take it; if you have a third solution that they didn’t see, or wanted to exclude for some reason, you can’t suggest it.

And it takes real courage for them to actually replace a boss fight with a dialog option. Being able to talk down Legate Lanius is such an example; in Mass Effect, you can, by convincing your opponent they’ve made a colossal mistake, get them to commit suicide–but that means you skip the first stage of a two-stage boss fight.

But there exist games where nonviolent solutions are the primary gameplay mechanism, rather than a shortcut past it. What would it look like to do a similar thing in a Fallout-like setting?

My answer is from David Friedman: viking sagas.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the legal and political institutions of Iceland from the tenth to the thirteenth centuries. They are of interest for two reasons. First, they are relatively well documented; the sagas were written by people who had lived under that set of institutions[3] and provide a detailed inside view of their workings. Legal conflicts were of great interest to the medieval Icelanders: Njal, the eponymous hero of the most famous of the sagas,[4] is not a warrior but a lawyer–“so skilled in law that no one was considered his equal.” In the action of the sagas, law cases play as central a role as battles.

Fallout is divided into ‘civilization’ and ‘raiders,’ where you can shoot any raider without penalty (and, indeed, are actively rewarded for killing them). But the player is, in some deep sense, the ultimate raider, roving, killing, and stealing more than anyone else. Almost every quest involves making a bunch more corpses, and almost all of those corpses are people that no one will miss.

Imagine a world where everyone has concentric loyalties, and thus are all ‘morally grey’ in a universalist sense. Very few people are secure enough that they won’t steal from a stranger if presented with a good opportunity, and no one will choose to let their brother die instead of a stranger. In order to neutralize bad elements without earning the enmity of everyone else, you need to put them on trial, basically. In order to end feuds without mutual extermination, you collect wergild. Incidentally, that’s how the players gets paid–victimization creates property rights, which NPCs can sell to the PC, as well as rewarding them for doing natural things for a rover like delivering mail. (Imagine that, a courier who actually delivers the mail!)

A ‘quest’ doesn’t look like “there’s a bunch of mirelurks in the watering hole, kill them all,” it looks like “tribe A and tribe B are about to come to blows over their disagreement over the watering hole; can you convince them of a peaceful resolution?” And if you can’t come to a successful peaceful resolution, they’ll fight, and a fight may develop into a feud, and a feud may result in a tribe getting wiped out. 

What’s neat about this is that you can procedurally generate these disputes, not just by drawing cards from a “dispute” deck or having them always be the same when the player visits a particular town, but by simulating the game world. People consume food and water and various services; other people provide those services or obtain that food and water. And if you can’t trade, you steal, and if you can’t get along, you fight. Combine with a personality and relationship model, and you have a world where conflicts to settle will arrive as a natural consequence of time moving forward. If there’s not enough water to go around, someone is going to get dehydrated, and they (and their friends and family) are not going to be happy about it.

So anyway, in order for this to work well the conversation model needs to be very well done. My thought is allow the player to basically string together ‘concepts’ according to some rules, trying to make various arguments to sway the opinion of other people around them. (They collect those concepts from people they meet along the way / stories they learn / etc., and can also teach them to others.) Much of the challenge, I suspect, is figuring out what will convince who, especially if there’s a lot of things similar to a jury trial where one’s arguing a case before a council.

I’d play it.

I’d program it.

…the mvp is the conflict resolution model. A simple system of characters, attributes, connections, needs, wants, loyalties, reputations, concepts. Trivial enough to be easy to keep track of, non-trivial enough to show the potential. Easy to expand later. Probably start simple with a single location where everyone is constantly, the minimum number of characters, initially hard-coded conflicts to test the conflict-solving system, then emergent processes to test those, then expanding the world in width and depth…

That seems like it’s going to go into an ugly mess quickly.  It’s going to blow up exponentially with the number of people each considering which friend-of-a-friend-of-a-friend will do what before killing each other.

Cognitive shortcuts, just like reality! To get results way closer to genuine than the rest of the system would ever be able to process, we only need to consider at most n(dunbar) connections for everyone (and those can be combined into groups and affiliations), combined with people’s self-perceptions as having traits and reputations. “I am a honest person, thus I will not lie. I don’t really care about my extended family, thus I will weigh the effects on them less.”

And then they will disregard that one farm kid who will grow up with the single-minded obsession to take them down, just like in stories…

And we can create hypercompetent big bad chessmaster characters simply by omitting the shortcuts and having them be actually capable of thorough modeling!

Are you going to allow recursive modeling? 

If so, I’m really curious to see whether signaling arises spontaneously/and or what happens in impromptu prisoner’s dilemmae.

Considering this is basically the social equivalent of Dwarf Fortress, of course there’s going to be recursive modeling! (…eventually)

Now the question is this: which language? There’s not going to be a GUI unless someone else does it, and it’s not going to be real-time or any of that shit, but I predict that the massive social modeling going on would be a drain on system resources once the universe gets big. Ruby is easy and familiar, but would need to be refactored into something faster later on. Go is low-level and nice and maybe a bit too low-level. Julia is ???. I’d rather not touch C/++. Rust I have no idea of.

3 weeks ago · tagged #baby leet · 127 notes · source: vaniver · .permalink


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